describe how many American colonists were beginning to think of themselves as something “other than” British by the 1750s.

1. Read Indians of New Netherlands Account for the Creation, available from Cengage Learning

Answer and respond to the questions to consider at the close of the document. Make sure you follow the instructions under discussion posts as specified by the syllabus.

2. Use at least two (2) sources from Ch. 4 of SFA to describe how many American colonists were beginning to think of themselves as something “other than” British by the 1750s.

80 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict 1720–1763 “Plenty of good land, and liberty to manage their own affairs their o\�wn way, seem to be the two great causes of the prosperity of all new coloni\�es,” argued Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations. In the middle decades of the eighteenth century, the American colonies enjoyed just these favorable conditions. Parliament took a laissez-faire approach to colonial govern- ment, and the colonies grew in size, population, and demographic com- plexity. As settlers pushed in from the coast to establish new farms, th\�e growing standard of living enticed Europeans to try their luck, increasi\�ng immigration and adding to the ethnic and cultural mix. As the colonial population grew, trade between the colonies and England soared. Raw materials crossed the Atlantic in ships that returned full of the finished goods pumping out of British factories. The colonial gentry displayed their refinement through consumption, but of course n\�ot everyone had the means to do so. In areas like the impoverished region o\�f the colonial backcountry that Anglican minister Charles Woodmason encountered, religious revivalism spread widely. The Great Awakening induced religious enthusiasm and challenged conventional sources of spir\�- itual and social authority. Political authority, too, became contested a\�s the French and Indian War reminded colonists that they were still a dependen\�t part of the British Empire. FPP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 80 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-1 Tennent, Dangers of an Unconverted Ministry 81 4-1 | A Revivalist Warns Against Old Light Ministers Gilbert tennent, Dangers of an Unconverted Ministry (1740) Beginning in the late 1730s, a series of religious revivals swept the co\�lonies. Though not part of a single or unified movement, revival ministers embraced a similar \�emotionally charged style designed to affect parishioners’ conscience and drive them to i\�ntense introspection.Many in the pews who heard these exhorting sermons manifested religious \�“enthusiasm,” behavior that was repudiated by more conservative and traditional church\� leaders. A divide emerged in many churches between revivalists (sometimes called New Light ministers) and their more settled counterparts (Old Lights). Prominent among the New \�Lights was Gilbert Tennent (1703–1764), whose famous sermon is excerpted here. Sermons\� like this one emboldened parishioners to challenge ministerial authority and in some cases led to church schisms and a more egalitarian religious experience. Mark VI. 34 And Jesus, when he came out, saw much People and was moved with Compassion towards them, and because they were as Sheep not having a Shepherd. As a faithful Ministry is a great Ornament, Blessing and Comfort, to the\� Church of GOD; even the Feet of such Messengers are beautiful: So on the\� con- trary, an ungodly Ministry is a great Curse and Judgment: These Caterpil\�lars labour to devour every green Thing. There is nothing that may more justly call forth our saddest Sorrows, an\�d make all our Powers and Passions mourn, in the most doleful Accents, the\� most incessant, insatiable, and deploring Agonies; than the melancholly Case \�of such, who have no faithful Ministry! This Truth is set before our Minds in a strong Light, in the Words that I have chosen now to insist upon! in which we h\�ave an Account of our LORD’s Grief with the Causes of it. We are informed, That our dear Redeemer was moved with Compassion towards them. The Original Word signifies the strongest and most vehem\�ent Pity, issuing from the innermost Bowels. But what was the Cause of this great and compassionate Commotion in the \� Heart of Christ? It was because he saw much People as Sheep, having no Shepherd. Why, had the People then no Teachers? O yes! they had Heaps of\� Pharisee-Teachers, that came out, no doubt after they had been at the Fe\�et of Gamaliel the usual Time, and according to the Acts, Cannons, and Traditions of the Jewish Church. But notwithstanding of the great Crowds of these Orth\�odox, Letter-learned and regular Pharisees, our Lord laments the unhappy Case of that great Number of People, who, in the Days of his Flesh, had no better Gui\�des:Because that those were as good as none (in many Respects) in our Savi\�our’s Judgment. For all them, the People were as Sheep without a Shepherd.. . . The Great Awakening: Documents on the Revival of Religion, 1740–1745, ed. Richard L. Bushman (New York: Atheneum, 1970), 87–93. FPP FPP 04_SHE_2890_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 81 11/26/13 12:12 PM 82 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 The old Pharisees, for all their long Prayers and other pious Pretences,\� had their Eyes, with Judas, fixed upon the Bag. Why, they came into the Priest’s Office for a Piece of Bread; they took it up as a Trade, and therefore endeavou\�red to make the best Market of it they could. O Shame! . . .

Natural Men have no Call of GOD to the Ministerial Work under the Gospel-Dispensation. Isn’t it a principal Part of the ordinary Call of GOD to the Minister\�ial Work, to aim at the Glory of GOD, and, in Subordination thereto, the Good of S\�ouls, as their chief Marks in their Undertaking that Work? And can any natural Man on Earth do this? No! no! Every Skin of them has an evil Eye; for no Cause \�can pro- duce Effects above its own Power. Are not wicked Men forbid to meddle in\� Things sacred? . . . Natural Men, not having true Love to Christ and the Souls of their Fello\�w- Creatures, hence their Discourses are cold and sapless, and as it were f\�reeze between their Lips. And not being sent of GOD, they want that divine Aut\�hority, with which the faithful Ambassadors of Christ are clothed, who herein resemble their blessed Master, of whom it is said, That He taught as one having Authority, and not as the Scribes. Matth. 7. 29. And Pharisee-Teachers, having no Experience of a special Work of the Hol\�y Ghost, upon their own Souls, are therefore neither inclined to, nor fi\�tted for, Discoursing, frequently, clearly, and pathetically, upon such important \�Subjects.

The Application of their Discourses, is either short, or indistinct and \�general.

They difference not the Precious from the Vile, and divide not to every Man his Portion, according to the Apostolical Direction to Timothy. No! they carelesly offer a common Mess to their People, and leave it to them, to divide it \�among themselves, as they see fit. This is indeed their general Practice, wh\�ich is bad enough: But sometimes they do worse, by misapplying the Word, through Ignorance, or Anger. They often strengthen the Hands of the Wicked, by p\�romis- ing him Life. They comfort People, before they convince them; sow before\� they plow; and are busy in raising a Fabrick, before they lay a Foundation. T\�hese fool- ing Builders do but strengthen Men’s carnal Security, by their soft, \�selfish, cow- ardly Discourses. They have not the Courage, or Honesty, to thrust the N\�ail of Terror into sleeping Souls. . . .

Their Prayers are also cold; little child-like Love to God or Pity to po\�or per- ishing Souls, runs thro’ their Veins. Their Conversation hath nothing\� of the Savour of Christ, neither is it perfum’d with the Spices of Heaven. . . . Poor Christians are stunted and starv’d, who are put to feed on such bare \�Pastures, and such dry Nurses. . . . O! it is ready to break their very Hearts with Grief, to see how lukewarm those Pharisee-Teachers are in their publick Discourses\�, while Sinners are sinking into Damnation, in Multitudes! . . . Is a blind Man fit to be a Guide in a very dangerous Way? Is a dead Man fit to bring others to Li\�fe? a mad Man fit to give Counsel in a Matter of Life and Death? Is a possessed \�Man fit to cast out Devils? a Rebel, an Enemy to GOD, fit to be sent on an Embass\�y of Peace, to bring Rebels into a State of Friendship with GOD? a Captive bound in \�the Massy Chains of Darkness and Guilt, a proper Person to set others at Lib\�erty? a 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 82 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-1 Tennent, Dangers of an Unconverted Ministry 83 Leper, or one that has Plague-sores upon him, fit to be a good Physici\�an? Is an ignorant Rustick, that has never been at Sea in his Life, fit to be a \�Pilot, to keep Vessels from being dashed to Pieces upon Rocks and Sand-banks? ‘Is’nt an uncon- verted Minister like a Man who would learn others to swim, before he has learn’d it him- self, and so is drowned in the Act, and dies like a Fool?’ I may add, That sad Experience verifies what has been now observed, concerning the Unprofitableness\� of the Ministry of unconverted Men. Look into the Congregations of unconverted \� Ministers, and see what a sad Security reigns there; not a Soul convince\�d that can be heard of, for many Years together; and yet the Ministers are easy: for they say they do their Duty!

. . .

My Brethren , We should mourn over those, that are destitute of faithful Ministers, and sympathize with them. Our Bowels should be moved with the\� most compassionate Tenderness, over those dear fainting Souls, that are \�as Sheep having no Shepherd; and that after the Example of our blessed LORD. Dear Sirs! we should also most earnestly pray for them, that the compassion- ate Saviour may preserve them, by his mighty Power, thro’ Faith unto Salvation; support their sinking Spirits, under the melancholy Uneasinesses of a dead Ministry; sanctify and sweeten to them the dry Morsels they get under such blind Men, when they have none better to repair to. And more especially, my Brethren, we should pray to the LORD of the Harvest, to send forth faithful Labourers into his Harvest; seeing that \�the Harvest truly is plenteous, but the Labourers are few. And O Sirs! how humble, b\�elieving, and importunate should we be in this Petition! O! let us follow the LORD\�, Day and Night, with Cries, Tears, Pleadings and Groanings upon this Account!\� For GOD knows there is great Necessity of it. O! thou Fountain of Mercy, and Father of Pity, pour forth upon thy poor Children a Spirit of Prayer, for the Obta\�ining this impor- tant Mercy! Help, help, O Eternal GOD and Father, for Christ’s sake! And indeed, my Brethren, we should join our Endeavours to our Prayers. The most likely Method to stock the Church with a faithful Ministry, in the present Situation of Things, the publick Academies being so much corrupted and abused generally, is, To encourage private Schools, or Seminaries of Learning, \�which are under the Care of skilful and experienced Christians; in which those onl\�y should be admitted, who upon strict Examination, have in the Judgment of a reas\�onable Charity, the plain Evidences of experimental Religion. Pious and experienced Youths, who have a good natural Capacity, and great Desires after the Ministerial Work, from good Motives, might be sought for, and found up and down in t\�he Country, and put to Private Schools of the Prophets; especially in such Places, where the Publick ones are not. This Method, in my Opinion, has a noble Tendency, to build up the Church of God. And those who have any Love to Christ, or Desire after the Coming of his Kingdom, should be ready, according to their Ability, to give somewhat, from time to time, for the Support of such poor Youths, w\�ho have nothing of their own. And truly, Brethren, this Charity to the Souls of Men, is the most noble kind of Charity — O! if the Love of God be in you, it will con- strain you to do something, to promote so noble and necessary a Work. It\� looks Hypocrite-like to go no further, when other Things are required, than cheap FPP FPP 04_SHE_2890_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 83 11/26/13 12:12 PM 84 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 Prayer. Don’t think it much, if the Pharisees should be offended at such a \� Proposal; these subtle selfish Hypocrites are wont to be scar’d abo\�ut their Credit, and their Kingdom; and truly they are both little worth, for all the Bustle they make about them. If they could help it, they wo’dn’t let one faithful Man come into the Ministry; and therefore their Opposition is an encouraging Sign\�. Let all the Followers of the Lamb stand up and act for GOD against all Opposers:\� Who is upon GOD’s Side? who?

The Improvement of this Subject remains. And 1. If it be so, That the Case of those, who have no other, or no better \�than Pharisee-Teachers, is to be pitied: Then what a Scrole and Scene of Mour\�ning, and Lamentation, and Wo, is opened! because of the Swarms of Locusts, th\�e Crowds of Pharisees, that have as covetously as cruelly, crept into the Ministry, in this adulterous Generation! who as nearly resemble the Character given o\�f the old Pharisees, in the Doctrinal Part of this Discourse, as one Crow’s\� Egg does another. It is true some of the modern Pharisees have learned to prate a\� little more orthodoxly about the New Birth, than their Predecessor Nicodemus, who are, in the mean Time, as great Strangers to the feeling Experience of it, as\� he. They are blind who see not this to be the Case of the Body of the Clergy, of \�this Generation. And O! that our Heads were Waters, and our Eyes a Fountain o\�f Tears, that we could Day and Night lament, with the utmost Bitterness, the dole- ful Case of the poor Church of God, upon this account. 2. From what has been said, we may learn, That such who are contented under a dead Ministry, have not in them the Temper of that Saviour they profess.

It’s an awful Sign, that they are as blind as Moles, and as dead as S\�tones, without any spiritual Taste and Relish. And alas! isn’t this the Case of Mult\�itudes? If they can get one, that has the Name of a Minister, with a Band, and a black Coat or Gown to carry on a Sabbath-days among them, although never so coldly, and insuccessfully; if he is free from gross Crimes in Practice, and takes good Care to keep at a due Distance from their Consciences, and is never troubled abo\�ut his Insuccessfulness; O! think the poor Fools, that is a fine Man indeed; \�our Minister is a prudent charitable Man, he is not always harping upon Terror, and s\�ounding Damnation in our Ears, like some rash-headed Preachers, who by their unc\�hari- table Methods, are ready to put poor People out of their Wits, or to run\� them into Despair; O! how terrible a Thing is that Dispair! Ay, our Minister, hone\�st Man, gives us good Caution against it. Poor silly Souls! consider seriously these Passages, of the Prophet, Jeremiah 5. 30,31. 3. We may learn, the Mercy and Duty of those that enjoy a faithful Ministry.

Let such glorify GOD, for so distinguishing a Privilege, and labour to walk wor- thy of it, to all Well-pleasing; lest for their Abuse thereof, they be e\�xposed to a greater Damnation. 4. If the Ministry of natural Men be as it has been represented; Then it\� is both lawful and expedient to go from them to hear Godly Persons; yea, it’s\� so far from being sinful to do this, that one who lives under a pious Minister of le\�sser Gifts, after having honestly endeavour’d to get Benefit by his Ministry, a\�nd yet gets little or none, but doth find real Benefit and more Benefit elsewh\�ere; I say, he may 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 84 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-2 Osborn, Memoirs of the Life of Mrs. Sarah Osborn 85 lawfully go, and that frequently, where he gets most Good to his precious Soul, after regular Application to the Pastor where he lives, for his Consent,\� and pro- posing the Reasons thereof; when this is done in the Spirit of Love and \�Meekness, without Contempt of any, as also without rash Anger or vain Curiosity. Reading and discussion Questions 1. What does Tennent argue is the danger of an unconverted ministry? 2. What effect might Tennent have expected his sermon to have on those who \� heard it? 3. From Tennent’s description, what differences do you think he saw between New Light and Old Light ministers? 4-2 | s arah o sborn on Her e xperiences d uring the Religious Revivals Sarah O SbOrn, Memoirs of the Life of Mrs. Sarah Osborn (1814) Sarah Osborn’s (1714–1797) memoir movingly illustrates the anguish of a woman caught in the grip of religious doubt. Born in London, Osborn emigrated to America when still a child, living in Boston, then Newport, Rhode Island, where she spent most of he\�r life. Her husband died at sea, leaving her a widow with a small child. Despite these hardships, she persevered but experienced repeated crises of faith. In the section of her memoir e\�xcerpted here, Osborn recounts the moment of her spiritual “awakening.” Osborn’s acco\�unt reminds us that the religious revivals appealed to women whose experience of grace empowered\� them in a cul- ture where women had few if any means of formal power or authority.

Thus I continued from day to day, in such ecstacies of joy, thirsting for full sanc- tification, and more intimate communion with God; daily asking what I \�should render to him for all his benefits to such an hell deserving sinner; e\�arnestly beg- ging that God would find out some way for me, that I might be made instrumen- tal in advancing his kingdom and interest in the world. O, how I dreaded\� being an unprofitable servant. The employment I still followed seemed to enc\�ourage me to hope God intended to make use of me for the instruction of little \�ones; which caused me often to bless God for placing me in that calling. And t\�hough I know that in every thing I offend, and in all come short of God’s glo\�ry; so that every performance has need of washing in the blood of Christ; yet it is a comf\�ort to me, to this day, that I was enabled by grace to labour with the littl\�e souls, then committed to my charge; but desire to be humbled that I did no more. O, \�that I had been more faithful! Surely I longed that all the world, but especially those Memoirs of the Life of Mrs. Sarah Osborn, ed. Samuel Hopkins (Catskill, NY: N. Elliot, 1814), 33–37. FPP FPP 04_SHE_2890_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 85 11/26/13 12:13 PM 86 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 dear to me by the bonds of nature or friendship, might be convinced of s\�in, and come to a glorious Christ. I thought I could even spend and be spent for\� them. I thought I could travail in birth till Christ was formed in them. And whe\�n I saw any giving themselves a liberty to sin, I could not, at some times, refrain from reproving them. Some would tell me I was turned fool, and distracted, wh\�en I said I had been a vile sinner, for every body knew I had been a sober wo\�man all my days; and yet I used to do such things too, as well as they: And what was the matter now? Sometimes they would say, “This fit will be over quickly.” But\� all such answers as these, of which I had a great many, would serve to humble me yet more, and put me upon pleading for persevering grace, that I might n\�ever bring dishonor upon the name of God. And indeed, all the trials I met wi\�th, which were various, had, through the abounding goodness of God, this eff\�ect, to quicken me yet more. But Satan had still a desire to sift me as wheat. He assaulted me daily;\� but those words of the blessed Jesus were frequently applied for my support,\� “I have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not.” One night in particular, w\�hen watching with a dear friend, who was sick, Satan assaulted me in as furious a man\�ner, seemingly, as though he had appeared in bodily shape, though with my bod\�ily eyes I saw nothing. I believe the combat lasted, at least, two hours, as\� fierce as though I had talked with him face to face. He again ranked all my sins b\�efore my eyes, telling me it was impossible, notwithstanding my great hopes, for \�me ever to be saved. He was still sure of me, and would not let me go. I should \�surely turn back again, and worse than ever. It is impossible to relate the tenth pa\�rt of the fiery darts he flung at me. But I was composed, not in the least dau\�nted; but could prove him a liar in every thing he suggested, by scripture, which flow\�ed into my mind, as though I had learned it all by heart. Never had I such a variet\�y of scrip- ture texts at my command in all my life, either before, or since. There \�was noth- ing he could allege against me, but if I knew it was true, I immediately\� subscribed to it; and then flew to the particular properties of the blood of Chri\�st, which I found sufficient for me. Thus I overcame him by the blood of the Lamb;\� and was left, in the issue, filled with the consolations of the blessed Spirit\�; triumphing over Satan; blessing and praising God for delivering me out of the hand \�of this cruel tyrant; adoring the lovely Jesus. And thus I spent the remainder of that night. O, how sweet it was to me! I longed for more strength to praise a\�nd love; and even to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. Thus I continued for some time, rejoicing and resolving, by assisting gr\�ace, to press forward, and by all means to make my calling and election sure. Then I wrote my experience to be communicated to the Church; and I was admitted\�, February 6, 1737, to partake of that holy ordinance of the Lord’s Sup\�per. But it is impossible for me to express the ecstacy of joy I was in, when I saw mys\�elf there, who was by nature a child of wrath, an heir of hell, and by practice a rebel against God, a resister of his grace, a piercer of the lovely Jesus, unworthy of\� the crumbs that fall; yet, through free grace, compelled to come in, and partake of\� children’s bread. It was indeed sweet to me to feed by faith on the broken body of \�my dear- est Lord. Surely it did humble me to the dust, and filled me with self\� abhorrence, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 86 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-3 Woodmason, Journal 87 as I meditated on his sufferings and death, and knew my sins to be the procuring cause. But when I came to take the cup, and by faith to apply the precio\�us proper- ties of the blood of Christ to my soul, the veil of unbelief seemed to d\�rop off, and I was forced to cry out, “My Lord, and my God,” when I beheld the \�hole in his side, and the prints of the nails. And I could not but, in the words of \�Peter, appeal to him, [“]Lord, thou knowest all things, thou knowest that I love th\�ee.” O then I was admitted, with the beloved disciple, to lean on his breast! O, aston\�ishing grace, and unspeakable joy, to see God reconciled to me, in and through \�him; and he bidding me welcome to his table! The Holy Spirit, by his powerful infl\�uences, applied all this for my strong consolation. O, what a feast is this, whe\�n intimate communion with the glorious God is thus obtained! When strong covenant engagements with him are renewed; I being assured that he was my God, an\�d giving myself, body and soul, to him forever, and rejoicing in him as my\� only portion forever more. Surely, I thought, I could never enough adore the \�lovely Jesus for appointing such an ordinance as this. ReADinG AnD DisCussiOn QuesTiOns 1. How does Osborn describe the conversion experience?

2. What evidence can you see here of the reaction from others who witnessed her religious awakening?

3. Why does Osborn choose to devote so much of her memoir to her spiritual \� struggles? What audience was she writing for? 4-3 | Anglican Minister on the Manners and Religion of the Carolina Backcountry CharleS WOOdmaSOn, Journal (1766–1768) Charles Woodmason’s (1720–1789) experiences in the South highlig\�ht key themes of this period, not least of which is the cultural diversity of the colonies. As\� an Anglican minister, Woodmason served at different times two divergent groups: the planter cl\�ass in Charleston, and then later the religiously diverse and scattered settlements of the \�South Carolina back- country. The Church of England (Anglicanism) was the established church in South Carolina, but that hardly mattered to the frontier Presbyterians and Baptists, man\�y of whom resented the well-heeled Anglicans who controlled power and purse. In this excerp\�t, Woodmason describes his work on the Carolina frontier.

Saturday September 3) Rode down the Country on the West Side the Watere\�e River into the Fork between that and the Congaree River — This is out of my Bounds — But their having no Minister, and their falling (therefrom) continuall\�y The Carolina Backcountry on the Eve of the Revolution, ed. Richard J. Hooker (Chapel Hill:

University of North Carolina Press, 1953), 60–63. FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 87 10/12/13 10:42 AM 88 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 from the Church to Anabaptism, inclin’d me to it — The People received me gladly and very kindly. Had on Sunday 4 — a Company of about 150 — Most of them of the Low Class — the principal Planters living on the Margin of these Rivers. Baptiz’d 1 Negroe Man — 2 Negroe Children — and 9 White Infants and married 1 Couple — The People thanked me in the most kind Manner for my Services — I had very pleasant Riding but my Horse suffered Greatly. The Morn- ings and Evenings now begin to be somewhat Cool, but the Mid day heat is\� almost intolerable — Many of these People walk 10 or 12 Miles with their Children in the burning Sun — Ought such to be without the Word of God, when so earnest, so desirous of hearing it and becoming Good Christians, and \�good Subjects! How lamentable to think, that the Legislature of this Province\� will make no Provision — so rich, so luxurious, polite a People! Yet they are deaf to all Solicitations, and look on the poor White People in a Meaner Light than \�their Black Slaves, and care less for them. Withal there is such a Republican \�Spirit still left, so much of the Old Leaven of Lord Shaftsbury and other the 1st pri\�ncipal Settlers still remains, that they seem not at all disposed to promote the Interest of the Church of England — Hence it is that above 30,000£ Sterling have lately been expended to bring over 5 or 6000 Ignorant, mean, worthless, beggarly Iri\�sh Presbyterians, the Scum of the Earth, and Refuse of Mankind, and this, solely to ballance the Emigrations of People from Virginia, who are all of the Established Church. —— 50 [miles]; [total] Miles 2846 It will require much Time and Pains to New Model and form the Carriage and Manners, as well as Morals of these wild Peoples — Among this Congregation not one had a Bible or Common Prayer — or could join a Person or hardly repeat the Creed or Lords Prayer — Yet all of ’em had been educated in the Principles of our Church. So that I am obliged to read the Whole Service, omitting suc\�h Parts, as are Repetitious, and retaining those that will make the different Ser\�vices some- what Uniform — Hence it is, that I can but seldom use the Litany, because they know not the Responses. It would be (as I once observ’d before) a Great Novelty to a London\�er to see one of these Congregations — The Men with only a thin Shirt and pair of Breeches or Trousers on — barelegged and barefooted — The Women bareheaded, bare- legged and barefoot with only a thin Shift and under Petticoat — Yet I cannot break [them?] of this — for the heat of the Weather admits not of any [but] thin Cloathing — I can hardly bear the Weight of my Whig and Gown, during Service.

The Young Women have a most uncommon Practise, which I cannot break them\� off. They draw their Shift as tight as possible to the Body, and pin it close, to shew the roundness of their Breasts, and slender Waists (for they are genera\�lly finely shaped) and draw their Petticoat close to their Hips to shew the fine\�ness of their Limbs — so that they might as well be in Puri Naturalibus 1 — Indeed Nakedness is not censurable or indecent here, and they expose themselves often qui\�te 1Puri naturalibus: puris naturalibus, or naked. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 88 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-3 Woodmason, Journal 89 Naked, without Ceremony — Rubbing themselves and their Hair with Bears Oil and tying it up behind in a bunch like the Indians — being hardly one degree removed from them — In few Years, I hope to bring about a Reformation, as I already have done in several Parts of the Country. . . .

I would not wish my worst Enemy to come to this Country (at least to th\�is) Part of it to combat perpetually with Papists, Sectaries, Atheists and I\�nfidels — who would rather see the Poor People remain Heathens and Ignorants, than\� to be brought over to the Church. Such Enemies to Christ and his Cross, are\� these vile Presbyterians. . . . Thus You have a Journal of two Years — In which have rode near Six thou- sand Miles, almost on one Horse. Wore my Self to a Skeleton and endured \�all the Extremities of Hunger, Thirst, Cold, and Heat. Have baptized near 1200 Children — Given 200 or more Discourses — Rais’d almost 30 Congregations — Set on foot the building of sundry Chapels Distributed Books, Medicines, Garden Seed, Turnip, Clover, Timothy Burnet, and other Grass Seeds — with Fish Hooks — Small working Tools and variety of Implements to set the Poor at Work, and promote Industry to the amount of at least One hundred Pounds Sterli\�ng:

Roads are making — Boats building — Bridges framing, and other useful Works begun thro’ my Means, as will not only be of public Utility, but make\� the Country side wear a New face, and the People become New Creatures. And I will ve\�nture to attest that these small, weak Endeavours of mine to serve the Community, has (or will) be of more Service to the Colony, than ever Mr. Whitfield’\�s 2 Orphan House was, or will be. On which he has [Ms. torn, one word missing] Twel\�ve Thousand Pounds Sterling (by [Ms. torn]) from which Mankind has not be\�en twelve pence benefitted. ReADinG AnD DisCussiOn QuesTiOns 1. How does Woodmason’s Anglicanism shape his observations of non-Anglic\�ans he encountered on the western frontier of South Carolina?

2. Based on Woodmason’s comments, why might backcountry Carolinians have\� resented his efforts to minister to them?

3. What can Woodmason’s journal teach us about the cultural, religious, and class diversity of mid-eighteenth-century colonial society? 2“Mr. Whitfield” is the Reverend George Whitefield, the most po\�pular Great Awakening minister in the colonies. Wherever he preached, Whitefield took up a c\�ollection for an orphanage he founded in Georgia. FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 89 10/12/13 10:42 AM 90 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 4-4 | Franklin Calls for Colonial Unity Benjamin Franklin, Albany Plan of Union (1754) The tension that Charles Woodmason (Document 4-3) witnessed between th\�e established religious authority in South Carolina and those who resisted its control\� was just one of the many complex divisions that existed within and among Britain’s North American colonies. Over the course of the eighteenth century, colonists’ attachment to local \�rule and self-government presented a challenge to British efforts to maintain control and colonia\�l unity, especially in the 1750s when Britain was again at war with France. In 1754, Benjamin Frank\�lin drafted the Albany Plan of Union urging the disparate colonies to ally together for \�common cause. Though Franklin’s plan failed to materialize, it introduced key concepts tha\�t would later influence the American constitutional government.

It is proposed that humble application be made for an act of Parliament \�of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in Amer\�ica, including all the said colonies, within and under which government each \�colony may retain its present constitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the said act, as hereafter follows.


That the said general government be administered by a President- General, to be appointed and supported by the crown; and a Grand Council\�, to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several Colonies m\�et in their respective assemblies. 2.

That within — months after the passing such act, the House of Repre – sentatives that happen to be sitting within that time, or that shall [be\�] especially for that purpose convened, may and shall choose members for the Grand Co\�uncil, in the following proportion, that is to say, Massachusetts Bay 7 New Hampshir e 2 Connecticut 5 Rhode Island 2 New Y ork 4 New Jersey 3 Pennsylvania 6 Maryland 4 Virginia 7 North Carolina 4 South Car olina 4 48 3. — who shall meet for the first time at the city of Philadelphia, being c\�alled by the President-General as soon as conveniently may be after his appoin\�tment. Documents Illustrative of the Formation of the Union of the American Sta\�tes (Washington, DC:

Government Printing Office, 1927). 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 90 10/15/13 3:26 PM 4-4 Franklin, Albany Plan of Union 91 4. That there shall be a new election of the members of the Grand Council every three years; and, on the death or resignation of any member, his p\�lace should be supplied by a new choice at the next sitting of the Assembly of the Colony he represented. 5. That after the first three years, when the proportion of money arising\� out of each Colony to the general treasury can be known, the number of membe\�rs to be chosen for each Colony shall, from time to time, in all ensuing elect\�ions, be regulated by that proportion, yet so as that the number to be chosen by \�any one Province be not more than seven, nor less than two. 6. That the Grand Council shall meet once in every year, and oftener if occ\�a- sion require, at such time and place as they shall adjourn to at the las\�t preceding meeting, or as they shall be called to meet at by the President-General \�on any emergency; he having first obtained in writing the consent of seven of the mem- bers to such call, and sent duly and timely notice to the whole. 7. That the Grand Council have power to choose their speaker; and shall neither be dissolved, prorogued, nor continued sitting longer than six w\�eeks at one time, without their own consent or the special command of the crown.\� 8. That the members of the Grand Council shall be allowed for their service\� ten shillings sterling per diem, during their session and journey to and from the place of meeting; twenty miles to be reckoned a day’s journey. 9. That the assent of the President-General be requisite to all acts of the\� Grand Council, and that it be his office and duty to cause them to be \�carried into execution. 10. That the President-General, with the advice of the Grand Council, hold or direct all Indian treaties, in which the general interest of the Colonies may be concerned; and make peace or declare war with Indian nations. 11. That they make such laws as they judge necessary for regulating all Indian trade. 12. That they make all purchases from Indians, for the crown, of lands not now within the bounds of particular Colonies, or that shall not be withi\�n their bounds when some of them are reduced to more convenient dimensions. 13. That they make new settlements on such purchases, by granting lands in the King’s name, reserving a quitrent to the crown for the use of the\� general treasury. 14. That they make laws for regulating and governing such new settlements, till the crown shall think fit to form them into particular government\�s. 15. That they raise and pay soldiers and build forts for the defence of any \�of the Colonies, and equip vessels of force to guard the coasts and protect\� the trade on the ocean, lakes, or great rivers; but they shall not impress men in any Colony, without the consent of the Legislature. 16. That for these purposes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy such general duties, imposts, or taxes, as to them shall appear most equ\�al and just (considering the ability and other circumstances of the inhabitant\�s in the sev- eral Colonies), and such as may be collected with the least inconvenien\�ce to the FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 91 10/12/13 10:42 AM 92 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 people; rather discouraging luxury, than loading industry with unnecessa\�ry burdens.

17. That they may appoint a General Treasurer and Particular Treasurer in each government when necessary; and, from time to time, may order the su\�ms in the treasuries of each government into the general treasury; or draw on \�them for special payments, as they find most convenient. 18. Yet no money to issue but by joint orders of the President-General and Grand Council; except where sums have been appropriated to particular pu\�rposes, and the President-General is previously empowered by an act to draw such\� sums. 19. That the general accounts shall be yearly settled and reported to the se\�v- eral Assemblies. 20. That a quorum of the Grand Council, empowered to act with the President-General, do consist of twenty-five members; among whom there\� shall be one or more from a majority of the Colonies. 21. That the laws made by them for the purposes aforesaid shall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of England, and\� shall be transmitted to the King in Council for approbation, as soon as may be af\�ter their passing; and if not disapproved within three years after presentation, to remain in force. 22. That, in case of the death of the President-General, the Speaker of the \� Grand Council for the time being shall succeed, and be vested with the s\�ame powers and authorities, to continue till the King’s pleasure be known\�. 23. That all military commission officers, whether for land or sea service\�, to act under this general constitution, shall be nominated by the President\�-General; but the approbation of the Grand Council is to be obtained, before they \�receive their commissions. And all civil officers are to be nominated by the G\�rand Council, and to receive the President-General’s approbation before they offi\�ciate. 24. But, in case of vacancy by death or removal of any officer, civil or m\�ili- tary, under this constitution, the Governor of the Province in which suc\�h vacancy happens may appoint, till the pleasure of the President-General and Gran\�d Council can be known. 25. That the particular military as well as civil establishments in each Colony remain in their present state, the general constitution notwithstanding;\� and that on sudden emergencies any Colony may defend itself, and lay the accounts\� of expense thence arising before the President-General and General Council,\� who may allow and order payment of the same, as far as they judge such accou\�nts just and reasonable. ReADinG AnD DisCussiOn QuesTiOns 1. What are the key elements in Franklin’s plan of union? How does he en\�vision the colonies working together?

2. What need was the plan of union designed to meet?

3. Why do you think the plan failed to garner enough support to bring it in\�to effect? FPP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 92 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-5 State of the British and French Colonies in North America 93 4-5 | Colonists Argue for an Alliance with indians Against the French State of the British and French Colonies in North America (1755) As we saw in Chapter 3, relations between British colonists and Native Americans were\� strained throughout the eighteenth century. Native American peoples rese\�nted colonial encroachment, but many also realized the futility of prolonged resistanc\�e and forged alliances when doing so suited their interests. For their part, the American colon\�ists quickly recognized the key role that native peoples could play in defending themselves from\� French assaults as the French and Indian War began in 1756. In this source, published just before hostilities with France were formalized, an anonymous author argues for the necessity of befrien\�ding native peoples.

The necessity of using indians in War, and of Gaining Their Friendship The next preliminary point to be effected, is to secure the Indians in o\�ur interest; on account, as well of recovering and extending our trade, as of securin\�g our col- onies against the attack either of French or Indians.

Their way of making war and fighting is quite different from the Europ\�ean.

They do not draw into the open field but shoot from behind trees; and \�are exceed- ing dextrous both at hitting their mark and sheltering themselves from t\�he ene- mies fire or pursuit: for, there is no room for horse in countries overgrown with woods, which gave occasion to this way of fighting; and there is no ov\�ertaking them on foot they run so swiftly. Therefore, in case of any war, either with Indians alone, or where they \�are auxiliaries, we must have Indians to oppose Indians. They must be fought\� with their own way. Regular forces being wholly unacquainted with their way o\�f making war can be of no service against them: they are only of use to de\�fend a fort, or to support Indian forces against regular troops. Besides, being\� used to fire from walls, they scorn to shoot from behind trees; and would rather die \�than go out of their own road to practise such a low kind of military art. Not c\�onsidering that the nature of the country, which is, as it were, one continued wood\�, requires that way of going to war, and that of all the methods of fighting that\� is best which is safest. The French of Canada know the importance of Indians on this account, and\� therefore never undertake any expedition without them. A memorable deliver- ance taught them this caution. In 1687 the marquis de Nonville, governor of Quebek, having landed 2100 men at Tierondoquot, 300 of them Indians, wit\�h design to surprize the chief village of the Sennekas, whom he intended t\�o destroy; was surprized himself in the woods, within a mile of the place, by 500 o\�f that nation: who starting suddenly from the ground where they had lain flat\�, raised the war shout, and discharged their musquets. This put his troops into s\�uch a consternation, that they began to run on every side; and in the confusio\�n fired on State of the British and French Colonies in North America (London: A. Millar, 1755), 69–75. FPP FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 93 10/12/13 10:42 AM 94 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 one another, while the Sennekas fell on pell-mell. So that had not the F\�rench Indians, acquainted with their way of fighting, come up, all must have\� been destroyed; and the French, very likely, driven out of Canada, for the wh\�ole force of it was employed in this expedition.

The French, since that time, make use of Indians more than ever: and sin\�ce they make use of them, there is still the more reason why we should; unl\�ess we had men enough of our own trained to their manner of making war. Besides; the advantage of having the Indians our friends, may be inferre\�d from the mischiefs they have done ourselves as well as the French; and t\�he dan- ger they have put the colonies in, both from within and without, when ou\�r ene- mies. Altho’ the English, by dint of numbers, were able to support th\�e wrongs which they did the Indians, and either destroyed or subdued them within \�the colonies; yet it cost them much blood and labour before they effected it\�, particu- larly in Virginia and New England; especially this last colony: where ma\�de such vigorous efforts at several times, and continued the war with so much ob\�stinacy, even tho’ much reduced by them; that the English, notwithstanding the\�ir great superiority in numbers, were scarce able to withstand them, and but for certain lucky incidents, might have been driven out of all their settlements. Th\�ose who left the country, preserve to this day their ancient animosities; and be\�ing joined by the other eastern tribes, continue to harrass the borders of the Engl\�ish, and do them all the mischief they can. They are now the more able to take reven\�ge with more safety to themselves; as, having a large country to retreat in, the\�y cannot be so easily surrounded by the English, and oppressed by numbers as they we\�re when inclosed within the colonies, where it would have been better to ha\�ve kept them by good usage. . . .

In 1687, the English Indians, to revenge some ill usage, by the instigation of the French, invaded the frontiers of New England, and commenced a war, which\� all the powers of the country could not extinguish in ten years. I shall produce but one instance more to shew what mischief the Indians \� may be able to do us, when our enemies. In the war, carried on about 1718, by the Spanish Indians against Carolina (the two provinces then being in one)\� this col- ony unable to defend itself against them, either by their own force, or \�that of the other colonies joined with them, were obliged at last to crave assistanc\�e from England, before they could do any good against them, as hath been mentio\�ned before. Does not this confirm what has been already suggested of the d\�anger the colonies would be in for want of Indians, should the French at any time \�invade them with their confederate Indian nations? In short, an Indian war has \�always been dreaded, as it has always been fatal to the colonies. All the colony writers recommend the gaining the Indian friendship, as a\� matter of great importance to them. One of Carolina says, that the province is much strengthened by them; and that if trained to fire arms they would\� be very useful to that province, not only in case of an invasion to repel the en\�emy, but also by drawing other Indians to the English interest, or else destroyin\�g those who were not to be gained. FPP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 94 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-5 State of the British and French Colonies in North America 95 It must be confessed, that they are of great use, in either defending or\� invad- ing a country. They are extremely skilful in the art of surprizing, and \�watching the motions of an enemy: they always know where to find you; but you n\�ever know where to find them: they disperse themselves thro’ a country s\�ingly, or in very small parties, and lie on the lurch, to pick up stragglers, or proc\�ure intelli- gence: in which they act with an astonishing patience and indefatigableness, beyond any thing which an European could undergo; remaining in one place\�, and often in one posture, for whole days and weeks together, till they fi\�nd an opportunity to strike their stroke, or compass their design, whatever it\� may be. “Every Indian,” says Mr. Kennedy, 1 “is a hunter; and as their manner of making war, by skulking, surprizing, and killing particular persons and \�families, is just the same as their hunting, only changing the object, every Indian is a disci- plined soldier. Soldiers of this kind are always wanted in the colonies \�in an Indian war [or when Indians are employed] for the European military discipline is of little use in these woods.” There is, therefore, an indispensib\�le necessity of making use of Indians in our wars, unless we had men enough of our own trained in that fort of military exercise. The French, indeed, have a great number of such people called Courieurs \�de Bois, as expert in the Indian way of fighting as the Indians themselve\�s, as hath been taken notice of before; and therefore might be able to do without I\�ndians, altho’ they make use of them. But this is an advantage which the colonies have not; for, altho’ in the southern provinces there may be a good many m\�en, as expert in the Indian way of fighting, as the French Courieurs de Bois,\� yet they are under no kind of discipline or command, except those of the considerable\� Indian traders, their masters; and therefore cannot properly be considered as a\�ny pub- lick force or real strength. In the northern colonies New England being \�sur- rounded with hostile Indians, and having still some within itself of the\� same race, necessity has produced rangers among the inhabitants, without whom there\� could be no dealing with such enemies. But New York depending on the nei\�gh- bourhood of the five nations for its security, and making the French t\�heir factors with the Indians, by selling their goods to them, had few or no rangers \�at all before that illicit traffic at Albany was prohibited, and the trade la\�id open in 1720; since which time the young men being encouraged to go among the Indians,\� the only way of breeding rangers, that province begins to be furnished with \�them.

Altho’ rangers are so numerous among the French, that they might do w\�ithout the Indians, yet they not only cherish those who live in the country inhabited by themselves, but seek the friendship of all the nations round about them,\� far and near. On the contrary, the English do neither, especially in the norther\�n colonies:

for they have not only exterminated all Indian nations who formerly dwelt in the countries now possessed by them, but instead of making friends of those \�who 1mr. kennedy: Archibald Kennedy, the author of The Importance of Gaining and Preserving the Friendship of Indians to the British Interest Considered (1752). FPP FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 95 10/12/13 10:42 AM 96 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 live in the neighbourhood of the colonies, are at variance with them all\�, excepting the six nations and their allies, whom yet they seem industrious rather \�to dis- oblige than keep in their interest; altho’ they have been all along t\�he chief, and to New York the only defence against the French, and their numerous tribes of Indians. ReADinG AnD DisCussiOn QuesTiOns 1. What advantage does the author suggest the native peoples bring to the colonial cause?

2. What difference in war-making does the author see between European and Native American warriors?

3. What does this source suggest about the changing relationship between colonial Americans and the native peoples they encountered? 4-6 | The north Carolina Regulators Protest British Control Petition from the Inhabitants of Orange County, North Carolina (1770) New tensions arose in the years immediately following the British and Am\�erican victory during the French and Indian War (1754–1763). To pay their large war debt,\� the British Parliament began imposing more taxes and regulations on the colonies, inciting colo\�nial resistance. At the same time, in the western regions of colonies such as North and Sout\�h Carolina, debt- laden farmers protested political, judicial, and economic policies disad\�vantageous to their interests. Disciplined mobs formed in these western regions to protest t\�he use of British forces to defeat them and the prejudicial court actions that, in many cases, deprived them of their farms. This Regulator movement, though ultimately unsuccessful, revealed\� the class conflicts that divided colonists and pitted British subjects in America against ro\�yal representatives and their colonial dependents. While Regulators destroyed property, refused \�to pay taxes, and disrupted government, they also issued petitions and drew on the language of rights to plead their case.

The Humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Orange County humbly sheweth, \� That as it is a Maxim in our Laws that no Law Statute or Custom which are against Gods Law or principalls of nature can be of any validity but are\� all null. If therefore Laws themselves when against Reason and Justice are null and void much more the practice used by men in the Law which is contrary to \�the Law as well as Reason Justice and Equity ought to be condemned and surel\�y it is against Justice Reason and Equity to exact Taxes and extort Fees that ar\�e unlaw- ful from the poor industrious Farmers — Yet these are but a few of a great many more evils of that nature which has been of a long time our sad case and\� The Colonial Records of North Carolina, Vol. VIII, 1769 to 1771, ed. William L. Saunders (Raleigh, NC: Josephus Daniels, Printer to the State, 1890), 231–234. FPP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 96 10/12/13 10:42 AM 4-6 Petition from the Inhabitants of Orange County, North Carolina 97 condition and to such a degree general among so many of the men of the L\�aw that we quite despaired of any redress being to be had that way. But as \�you the Governor Kings Attorney Generall and other Gentlemen of the Law pledged \�to us your words your honours your oaths that we could and should be redressed by the Law it would be tedious as well as unnecessary to recite the worl\�d of fatigue expence and Trouble that we have been at to obtain redress in th\�at way but in vain — for though so many of the Officers as has been convicted yet we can obtain none of our money back — but instead of refunding they still continue to take the same Fees James Watson and John Butler excepted — And notwithstand- ing the wheels in this work run so heavy we have so many of the Court Pa\�rty against us yet we might nevertheless [have gained] our point could we have obtained Jurors of unprejudiced Men — for though the Law impowers the Justices of the Inferior Courts to appoint the Jurys yet it was to the e\�nd they might be chosen of unprejudiced Men, this was the spirit end and design of the\� Law — But it has so happened that too many of our Justices are partys concerned some of them being insolvent high Sheriffs themselves and others insolvent Sheriffs securities, yet under all this disadvantage as we labored again\�st this very unfair dealing the goodness of our course and the uprightness of our Int\�entions gained ground with such Justices as was not parties concerned and for so\�me Courts past a few of the Jurors was unprejudiced Men, but at our last In\�ferior Court Tyree Harris and Thomas Lloyd took a most notorious and bare faced\� advantage of choosing the Judges [juries] on the first day of the Cour\�t contrary to the known and usual custom and have made up the Jury mostly of Men well \� known to be prejudiced in favor of extortionate Officers and of such O\�fficers themselves. Tyree Harris at whose instance we suppose it was done was hi\�gh Sheriff for the years 1766 & 1767, whose accounts are yet unsettled, and\� likely we may be sued by the Treasurer as well as the Vestry to the Court besides \�almost may we believe every under Sheriff he had is inditable for their Extorti\�ons and exactions of Tax[es] and most of them have already been found guilty and\� though they attempt to make you believe the charge against them for exacting 4d 0d & a shilling extraordinary from ignorant Men Women and in remote neighbour- hoods to be a false charge yet it is not only notoriously known to be th\�e truth by hundreds of people from whom and among whom they exacted it, but at the same time they exacted 4d more from every man in the County in the very \�same Tax and though this was what we had some Item of from the very beginning\� yet we could never come at the certainty thereof till now, we think it can b\�e proved beyond all doubt and this is a very particular matter of great weight an\�d moment as it was one immediate cause of the rise of the mob and for which reaso\�n we suppose the most strenuous methods has been used to hinder it from comin\�g to light. In the next place Thomas Lloyd may also be said to be a party concerned as he is one of the insolvent Sheriffs Securities and likewise the Justice \�who commit- ted H. Husband without a Warrant proof of any crime and without a Mittim\�us, besides all this he has been Vestry Man and Church Warden frequently the\�se Ten years past and more during which time the Vestry accounts are unsettled \�and irregularly kept and large Ballances behind. Thomas Hart being the only Sheriff FPP FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 97 10/12/13 10:42 AM 98 PART 2 / Chapter 4 Growth, Diversity, and Conflict, 1720–1763 that ever settled which was for 1762, the particulars of whose accounts \�is also kept from the eyes of the public, all which is contrary to Law and for w\�hich neglect the Church Wardens and Clerks are indictable.

Mr Chief Justice you at our last Court seemed to be somewhat prejudiced against us in a speech that you made in which you signified your Jealo\�sie that we acted through Malice, Ambition &c: But concluding if what we did was from motives to promote Justice detect Extortion &c: for the publick good tha\�t you wished us all the success imaginable and heartily concurred with us in our undertaking. Oh that you might be sincere and could but a known our hearts.

However be that as it will your Speech could not but afford us consolation and encouragement to persevere for we could lay our hands on our hearts and \�call God to witness in ourselves that this was our whole sole end and purpose\� and that too out of pure necessity to keep ourselves and innocent helpless N\�eighbors from utter ruin our whole properties having become quite insecure as wel\�l as our characters — As the two persons who was indicted last Court for perjury by rea- son they had indicted and witnessed against Extortions are two honest innocent men — Yea we need say no more but that we know these two men are honest men of good characters and innocent of that charge, whereas on the contr\�ary to pick the whole country there cannot be found men of much worse character\�s than many or most of those who have sworn against them. As for the objec\�tion that some pretend to make (to wit) that it is hard to find Jurymen b\�ut what is prejudiced to one side or t’ other this objection has not the least f\�oundation in Truth or Reason Absolutely no more than if a gang of horse thieves had b\�een numerous and formidable enough to have engaged the same attention and co\�n- cern of the publick — for those Extortioners and Exactors of Tax are certainly more dangerous than those Thieves and in the next place they and all who espouse their cause knowingly are as to numbers inconsiderably small, only that they have the handling the Law chiefly in their own hands — our late Elections help to prove this Diversion; we carried our Elections for Vestrymen twe\�nty five to one — The consequence of not trying these men subject to Law is wooden shoes and uncombed hair — What sense or reason is there in saying any are prej- udiced to our side for what is it we have done — we have labored honestly for our Bread and studied to defraud no man nor live on the spoils of other \�mens labors nor snatched the Bread out of other mens hands. Our only crime wi\�th which they can charge us is vertue in the very highest degree namely to \�risque our all to save our Country from Rapine and Slavery in our detecting of \�practices which the Law itself allows to be worse than open Robbery — It is not one in a hundred or a thousand of us who have broke one Law in this our struggle \�for only common Justice which it is even a shame for any Government or any s\�et of Men in the Law once to have denyed us off — Whereas them as has acted the most legally are the most torn to pieces by the Law through malicious prosecu\�tions carried against them. To sum up the whole matter of our Petition in a few words it is namely t\�hese that we may obtain unprejudiced Jurys, That all extortionate Officers \�Lawyers and Clerks may be brought to fair Tryals — That the Collectors of publick money FPP 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 S 45 R 46 L FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 98 10/12/13 10:42 AM Comparative Questions 99 may be called to proper settlements of their accounts, namely the Sherif\�fs for the years 1764, 1765, 1766 & 1767 to which time the taxes was generally coll\�ected (a small part of the last year excepted) the refusing to settle for which \�or give us any satisfaction occasioned the past disturbances — If We cannot obtain this that we may have some security for our properties more than the bare humour of o\�ffi- cers, we can see plainly that we shall not be able to live under such op\�pressions and to what extremities this must drive us you can as well judge of as w\�e can ourselves, we having no other determination but to be redressed and that\� to be in a legal and lawful way — As we are serious and in good earnest and the Cause respects the whole Body of the people it would be loss of time to enter \�into argu- ments on particular points for though there is a few men who have the gift or art of reasoning yet every man has a feeling and knows when he has justice d\�one him as well as the most learned. Therefore that Justice which every man will be ashamed to own that ever \�he denyed us of when in his power to grant is the prayer of our Petition an\�d your Petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray. Signed by 174 Subscribers. ReADinG AnD DisCussiOn QuesTiOns 1. Identify the specific grievances that Regulators in Orange County have\� against the royal government of North Carolina.

2. How do the Regulators frame their argument in this petition? Who was the\� audi- ence for the petition?

3. What does the Regulator movement reveal about colonial politics on the e\�ve of the Revolution?

■ COMPARATive QuesTiOns ■ 1. What were the major sources of conflict affecting colonial American so\�ciety dur- ing the middle decades of the eighteenth century?

2. To what extent did religion unite or divide colonial society?

3. Why was colonial unity so difficult to achieve in these years?

4. How and to what extent did considerations of class define or enhance t\�he con- flicts of this period? FPP FPP FPP 04_SHE_45762_ch04_080_118_r2wt.indd 99 10/12/13 10:42 AM